Col Liu Mingfu on the U.S. and China as Rivals

By EDWARD WONG and YUFAN HUANG

Chinese troops marching in the military parade in Beijing last month celebrating the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.

Credit Pool photo by Rolex Dela Pena

Col. Liu Mingfu, 64, retired from the People’s Liberation Army, is an outspoken proponent of the need for China to overtake a world order dominated by the United States. He expresses these views in his books, the best known of which is “The China Dream” (2010), which looked at the growing strategic rivalry between the United States and China. The perspectives of Colonel Liu and other hard-line military thinkers have become more relevant under President Xi Jinping. Recently, he shared his thoughts on China’s rise, American intentions and the prospects for war.

Col. Liu Mingfu

Credit Gilles Sabrie for The New York Times

On potential threats to China:

There are three potential threats and possible wars. First, there is the potential for a war with proxies supported by Japan and the world hegemon [the United States]. The two have been inciting our neighbors to provoke us. So if these small countries want to occupy more Chinese territory in the South China Sea, we are ready to engage in war. Second, we must be prepared for a Japanese invasion. They have taken the old path of militarism and are trying to derail China’s restoration. Third, we must be ready to respond to the well-planned and desperate provocations by the world hegemon.

It is the hegemon’s decision as to whether China and the United States will fight. China has been doing all it can to prevent such a war, but we will surely be prepared for it. In my new book, I wrote that it is arbitrary to say that sooner or later there must be a war between China and the United States. But it is also naïve to claim that war will never come.

On rivalry between the United States and China:

China-U.S. relations have entered the final stage of the game. It’s a dangerous stage. There will be a final game between the two nations. You shouldn’t fear and shy away from the final game. The final game should not become a duel. Competition should not become a war.

The game should never become a fatal game with blood and swords, like what the Romans had in their gladiator arenas. If that were to occur, it would result in total world war. The game should also not become a boxing match. That’s the Cold War. The game should be a game of track and field. It should be a relationship where one is running in front and one is running behind. They both should be allowed to develop.

The final result of that game should be a world without hegemony.

The United States and China should have these common goals: no war, no Cold War, no conflict and no clashes.

On the Sept. 3 military parade in Beijing:

Criticisms by outsiders that China was using the parade to flex its muscles were just ridiculous. We were simply lining up in Tiananmen Square while Japan and the United States have been conducting live drills on our doorstep. The United States has started many wars around the world. If what we did was flexing muscles, the United States has been punching and stabbing others with fists and knives.

On China’s naval modernization:

The United States has put 60 percent of its naval forces at the doorstep of China. The United States Navy is a major threat to China. The Chinese Navy has been lagging behind for a long time behind that of the United States. We need to catch up.

On tensions in the South China Sea:

The troublemaker countries are changing the status quo in those seas. Vietnam and the Philippines have been changing the status quo. They have built bases, airstrips and many other things on those islands. They are even doing tourism on those islands. It’s not China changing the status quo. It’s being changed by those countries occupying China’s islands. And, of course, the United States is responsible.

The United States did not pick sides before on the South China Sea issue. But now it’s more than obvious that Washington is pushing those small countries to occupy China’s islands.

On online espionage and Internet warfare:

Both sides need to limit their hacking activities. But China suffers much more than the United States from this since our country is less developed in cybertechnology and cyberindustry. The United States is a greater power with adequate resources to launch attacks. They are on the offensive, and we are on the defensive. We have no capability to attack them, and we don’t even have the ability to protect ourselves.

China is more anxious than the United States to promote cybersecurity. The United States has hacked not only China but the entire world. Just listen to what Edward Snowden has said. The United States is actually a thief yelling, “Stop, thief!” It’s the biggest thief in the world.

On alliances:

China has abandoned the alliance policy. China never makes alliances with other countries. But the United States tends to make alliances with other countries against China.

On American nongovernmental organizations:

American NGOs have turned Hong Kong into a mess. A large number of these NGOs have been planning to destabilize Hong Kong in an attempt to put more pressure on mainland China. NGOs are in fact an approach by the Americans to overthrow the Chinese government. They have dispatched more intelligence agents to Hong Kong than to Beijing these days and frequently organize subversive activities to teach the people there how to work against the Hong Kong government and the Communist Party.

On improving relations between China and the United States:

Chinese officials have learned how to deal with American politicians and businessmen in the three decades since the start of “reform and opening up.” The American side should come to Beijing and learn more about China. I suggest they send American governors and national leaders to our Central Party School for lessons. And they could do an internship in the Chinese government for a while, just to boost mutual understanding. We have sent so many officials to Harvard to listen to lectures.

I want to start giving out an award to those who contribute to China-U.S. relations. For example, we could give the first one to Henry Kissinger. Then we could give the second one to a Chinese